dc.contributor.author | Zhang, Ning | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2010-04-28T10:30:16Z | |
dc.date.available | 2010-04-28T10:30:16Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2010-04-28T10:30:16Z | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10272/3199 | |
dc.description.abstract | This paper analyzes the derivations of the DE construction, showing that
an antecedent-free DE construction is derived by deverbalization and an
antecedent-dependent DE construction is derived by ellipsis. Semantically,
the former process is substantivization and the latter defocalization.
Relating the antecedent-dependent DE construction to other nominal
ellipses and the verb gapping construciton, I discuss a new type of ellipsis
which can take an ellipsis site as its linguistic antecedent. Furthermore,
I argue that the syntactic status of the word de in a nominal is a functional
category, heading an nP consistently. | en_US |
dc.language.iso | eng | en_US |
dc.rights | Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 3.0 España | |
dc.rights.uri | http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/es/ | |
dc.title | Chinese DE and the DE-construction | en_US |
dc.type | info:eu-repo/semantics/article | en_US |
dc.rights.accessRights | info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess | |